【大紀元2013年11月24日訊】【編者按：約翰•F•肯尼迪是美國第35任總統，也是美國歷史上由選舉產生的最年輕的總統，當選時年僅43歲。他的任期從1961年1月20日開始到1963年11月22日在德克薩斯州達拉斯市遇刺身亡。他一直被大多數美國人視為歷史上最偉大的總統之一。以下是他的總統就職演說中英文全文。】
肯尼迪總統就職演說視頻
肯尼迪總統就職演說
我們今天慶祝的並不是一次政黨的勝利，而是一次自由的慶典；它象徵著結束，也象徵著開始；意味著更新，也意味著變革。因為我已在你們和全能的上帝面前，作了跟我們祖先將近一又四分之三世紀以前所擬定的相同的莊嚴誓言。
現今世界已經很不同了，因為人在自己血肉之軀的手中握有足以消滅一切形式的人類貧困和一切形式的人類生命的力量。可是我們祖先奮鬥不息所維護的革命信念，在世界各地仍處於爭論之中。那信念就是注定人權並非來自政府的慷慨施與，而是上帝所賜。
我們今天不敢忘記我們是那第一次革命的繼承人，讓我從此時此地告訴我們的朋友，並且也告訴我們的敵人，這支火炬已傳交新一代的美國人，他們出生在本世紀，經歷過戰爭的鍛鍊，受過嚴酷而艱苦的和平的熏陶，以我們的古代傳統自豪，而且不願目睹或容許人權逐步被褫奪。對於這些人權我國一向堅貞不移，當前在國內和全世界我們也是對此力加維護的。
讓每一個國家知道，不管它盼我們好或盼我們壞，我們將付出任何代價，忍受任何重負，應付任何艱辛，支持任何朋友，反對任何敵人，以確保自由的存在與實現。
這是我們矢志不移的事——而且還不止此。
對於那些和我們擁有共同文化和精神傳統的老盟邦，我們保證以摯友之誠相待。只要團結，則在許多合作事業中幾乎沒有甚麼是辦不到的。倘若分裂，我們則無可作為，因為我們在意見分歧、各行其是的情況下，是不敢應付強大挑戰的。
對於那些我們歡迎其參與自由國家行列的新國家，我們要提出保證，絕不讓一種形成的殖民統治消失後，卻代之以另一種遠為殘酷的暴政。我們不能老是期望他們會支持我們的觀點，但我們卻一直希望他們能堅決維護他們自身的自由，並應記取，在過去，那些愚蠢得要騎在虎背上以壯聲勢的人，結果卻被虎所吞噬。
對於那些住在佈滿半個地球的茅舍和鄉村中、力求打破普遍貧困的桎梏的人們，我們保證盡最大努力助其自救，不管需要多長時間。這並非因為共產黨會那樣做，也不是由於我們要求他們的選票，而是由於那樣做是正確的。自由社會若不能幫助眾多的窮人，也就不能保全那少數的富人。
對於我國邊界以內的各姐妹共和國，我們提出一項特殊的保證：要把我們的美好諾言化作善行，在爭取進步的新聯盟中援助自由人和自由政府來擺脫貧困的枷鎖。但這種為實現本身願望而進行的和平革命不應成為不懷好意的國家的俎上肉。讓我們所有的鄰邦都知道，我們將與他們聯合抵禦對美洲任何地區的侵略或顛覆。讓其它國家都知道，西半球的事西半球自己會管。
至於聯合國這個各主權國家的世界性議會，在今天這個戰爭工具的發展速度超過和平工具的時代中，它是我們最後的、最美好的希望。我們願重申我們的支持諾言；不讓它變成僅供謾罵的講壇，加強其對於新國弱國的保護，並擴大其權力所能運用的領域。
最後，對於那些與我們為敵的國家，我們所要提供的不是保證，而是要求：雙方重新著手尋求和平，不要等到科學所釋出的危險破壞力量在有意或無意中使全人類淪於自我毀滅。
我們不敢以示弱去誘惑他們。因為只有當我們的武力無可置疑地壯大時，我們才能毫無疑問地確信永遠不會使用武力。
可是這兩個強有力的國家集團，誰也不能對當前的趨勢放心——雙方都因現代武器的代價而感到不勝負擔，雙方都對於致命的原子力量不斷發展而產生應有的驚駭，可是雙方都在競謀改變那不穩定的恐怖均衡，而此種均衡卻可以暫時阻止人類最後從事戰爭。
因此讓我們重新開始，雙方都應記住，謙恭並非懦弱的徵象，而誠意則永遠須要驗證。讓我們永不因畏懼而談判。但讓我們永不要畏懼談判。
讓雙方探究能使我們團結在一起的是甚麼問題，而不要虛耗心力於使我們分裂的問題。
讓雙方首次制訂有關視察和管制武器的真誠而確切的建議，並且把那足以毀滅其它國家的漫無限制的力量置於所有國家的絕對管制之下。
讓雙方都謀求激發科學的神奇力量而不是科學的恐怖因素。讓我們聯合起來去探索星球，治理沙漠，消除疾病，開發海洋深處，並鼓勵藝術和商務。
讓雙方攜手在世界各個角落遵循以賽亞的命令，去「卸下沉重的負擔……(並)讓被壓迫者得自由。」
如果建立合作的灘頭堡能夠遏制重重猜疑，那麼，讓雙方聯合作一次新的努力吧，這不是追求新的權力均衡，而是建立一個新的法治世界，在那世界上強者公正，弱者安全，和平在握。
凡此種種不會在最初的一百天中完成，不會在最初的一千天中完成，不會在本政府任期中完成，甚或也不能在我們活在地球上的畢生期間完成。但讓我們開始。
同胞們，我們事業的最後成效，主要不是掌握在我手裡，而是操在你們手中。自從我國建立以來，每一代的美國人都曾應召以驗證其對國家的忠誠。響應此項召喚而服軍役的美國青年人的墳墓遍佈全球各處。
現在那號角又再度召喚我們——不是號召我們肩起武器，雖然武器是我們所需要的；不是號召我們去作戰，雖然我們準備應戰；那是號召我們年復一年肩負起持久和勝敗未分的鬥爭，「在希望中歡樂，在患難中忍耐」；這是一場對抗人類公敵——暴政、貧困、疾病以及戰爭本身——的鬥爭。
我們能否結成一個遍及東西南北的全球性偉大聯盟來對付這些敵人，來確保全人類享有更為富裕的生活?你們是否願意參與這歷史性的努力?
在世界的悠久歷史中，只有很少幾個世代的人賦有這種在自由遭遇最大危機時保衛自由的任務。我決不在這責任之前退縮；我歡迎它。我不相信我們中間會有人願意跟別人及別的世代交換地位。我們在這場努力中所獻出的精力、信念與虔誠、將照亮我們的國家以及所有為國家服務的人，而從這一火焰所聚出的光輝必能照明全世界。
所以，同胞們：不要問你們的國家能為你們做些甚麼，而要問你們能為國家做些甚麼。
全世界的公民：不要問美國願為你們做些甚麼，而應問我們在一起能為人類的自由做些甚麼。
最後，不管你是美國的公民或世界它國的公民，請將我們所要求於你們的有關力量與犧牲的高標準拿來要求我們。我們唯一可靠的報酬是問心無愧，我們行為的最後裁判者是歷史，讓我們向前引導我們所摯愛的國土，企求上帝的保佑與扶攜，但我們知道，在這個世界上，上帝的任務肯定就是我們自己所應肩負的任務。
John F. Kennedy XXXV President of the United States: 1961-163
First Inaugural Address
January 20, 1961
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice president Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:
We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom–symbolizing an end as well as a beginning–signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe-the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans–born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage–and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge–and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do–for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom-and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those peoples in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required–not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge–to convert our good words into good deeds–in a new alliance for progress–to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support–to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective–to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak–and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course–both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war.
So let us begin anew–remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms–and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah–to “undo the heavy burdens… (and) let the oppressed go free.”
And if a beach-head of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us again-not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need–not as a call to battle, though embattled we are–but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation”–a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility–I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it–and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you–ask what you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God’s work must truly be our own.
