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邱吉爾鐵幕演說 (全文,附英文稿)

溫斯頓‧邱吉爾,1946年

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【大紀元2018年10月08日訊】

麥克魯爾校長,女士們先生們,以及最尊敬的美利堅合眾國總統:

今天下午能造訪威斯敏斯特學院我非常高興。能得到貴校這樣資深望重的機構授予的學位我實在受寵若驚。”威斯敏斯特”這個名字在我聽來似乎有點耳熟。細想一下,我正是在威斯敏斯特接受了大部分關於政治、辯證法、辭令以及其他若干方面的教育。實際上,我們都在相同,或相似,或至少性質相近的體系下接受過教育。

身為一名私人訪客,居然能由美國總統親自介紹給學界聽眾,女士們先生們,這份榮譽恐怕也是獨一無二了。肩負著如此沉重的負擔、職責與責任——他對此並未有意尋求但也不曾退縮——總統先生今天不辭千里親身蒞臨,令我們的會面滿堂生輝,他也給了我這個機會來向這個血脈相連的國家,以及大海另一邊我的同胞們,或許還包括其他一些國家發表致辭。總統告訴我說,他希望——我相信你們也同樣希望——我能暢所欲言,在這個令人焦慮而費解的時代給出我衷誠的建議。我自當充分利用這一自由。所有我年少時所胸懷過的個人抱負都已經令我做夢也不敢想地得到了實現,這使我自覺更有權利這麼做。不過我必須說明,我並未承擔任何官方使命或地位,我的發言僅僅代表我個人。除了你們所見之外我再無掩飾之處。

因此我姑且在這裡以老賣老一回,以畢生經驗為參照,回顧一下在我們的絕對軍事勝利到來時出現在我們面前的問題,盡我的餘力來儘量保證如此巨大的犧牲與苦難所換來的一切能夠為了光明的未來與人類的安全而得到保存。

女士們先生們,美國此刻正高踞於世界權力的頂峰。對美國民主來說,這是一個莊嚴的時刻。至強之力量總會伴隨著對於未來令人敬畏的責任。放眼四顧,你們一定不但覺得已經盡了應盡的責任,而且還因為恐怕日後成就未必能趕上今天而感到憂慮。對我們兩國來說現成的機會正清晰而光彩奪目地擺在眼前。拒絕、忽視、或糟蹋這個機會將使我們受到後世長期的責備。意志堅定,追求不懈,決策簡明,這些品質在和平時期也應當像在戰時一樣主導英語民族的行為。我們必須證明自己能滿足這些嚴苛的要求,我也相信我們一定能做到。

麥克魯爾校長,當美國軍方遇到嚴重局勢時,他們習慣於在指令抬頭寫上”全面戰略概念”字樣。這種做法自有深意,因為它能使思想明朗化。那麼,我們今天所應題寫的全面戰略概念應該是什麼呢?至少要為世界各地的所有人的所有家庭帶來安全、幸福、自由和進步。我這裡尤其要提到那些不可計數的農舍或單元住宅,工薪家庭的頂樑柱們正在克服生活的各種困難與意外,保衛妻子兒女不受饑寒之苦,並令他的家庭對上帝或任何經常起到重大作用的道德概念心懷敬畏。

為了給這無數家庭帶來安全,必須保護他們不受兩個可怕的掠奪者——戰爭和暴政——的侵犯。戰爭的詛咒突降在一家之主與他為之辛勞付出的親人頭上,原本的家庭驟然陷入可怖的動盪之中,我們對此等情形都很熟悉了。在榮光褪盡的歐洲與大部分亞洲地區,慘不忍睹的廢墟正直直盯著我們。當惡人的謀劃或強國的欲求在大範圍內將文明社會的框架化為烏有,平民百姓們就會面臨自己無法應對的困局。對他們來說整個世界都遭到了扭曲與破壞,堅實的地面也化為了泥沼。

在今天這個寧靜的下午,我一想到目前上百萬人正在何等苦境中掙扎,以及萬一饑荒在目前這個時期降臨世界將會造成何等後果,就忍不住全身戰抖。誰也無法計算所謂”未經估計的人類痛苦”。我們的終極任務與責任就是守護普通民眾的家庭不受另一場戰爭的蹂躪。我們對此全都表示同意。

我們美國軍方的同事們在宣佈「全面戰略概念」並就可用資源進行計算之後總會進行下一步——也就是提出解決方法。在這裡我們再次取得了廣泛共識。一個以防止戰爭為主要目的的世界組織已經建立。脫胎於國聯的聯合國在美國以及其他各個主要國家的決定性加盟之後已經做好了投入工作的準備。我們必須保證聯合國的工作取得成果,收到實效而不致淪為虛飾,成為行動的力量而不僅只是口頭的空談,成為一座真正的和平殿堂,令各國在未來的某一天都可以在此解衣卸甲,而不僅只是紛擾爭吵之所。在我們將各國自衛軍備的堅實保證拋在一邊之前,首先要確定這座殿堂的地基不是流沙或沼澤,而是毫不動搖的岩石。明眼人都能看清我們的道路將會漫長而崎嶇,但如果我們像二戰期間那樣同心同德——而非像二戰間期那樣離心離德——那我毫不懷疑我們將最終實現這一共同目標。

然而,我要提出一項明確而實際的行動建議。法庭和地方政府沒有治安官和警長就不能辦事。因此必須馬上著手給聯合國配備一支國際武裝力量。這是個需要循序漸進的問題,但我們必須立即著手。我建議,應邀請各個大國和其它成員國派出一定數量的空軍中隊,為這個世界性組織服役。這些中隊將由本國訓練和籌備,但在各國輪流駐紮。他們身著本國的軍服,佩戴不同的徽章。不能要求他們對自己的國家作戰,但在其它方面將受這個世界性組織的指揮。這個辦法可以先進行小規模試行並隨著我們信心的增長而擴大其規模。第一次世界大戰後我曾希望做到這一步,相信現在這一點會很快實現。

不過,女士們先生們,如果把美國、英國和加拿大現在所共同掌握的製造原子彈的秘密知識和經驗託付給這個仍處於繈褓中的世界性組織,那將是極其錯誤且輕率的。如果任憑這種秘密知識在這依然騷動且分裂的世界上自然發展,那是等同於犯罪的發狂。目前製造原子彈的知識、工藝與原材料主要掌握在美國手中,而世界上沒有任何一個國家因此而夜不能寐。萬一眼下情況調轉,某些共產主義或新納粹主義國家壟斷了這等致命手段,我不認為我們還能高枕無憂。對這種情況的恐懼很可能十分輕易地將集權體系強加於自由民主世界,而後果則令人不寒而慄。承蒙上帝沒有令這一點成為現實,我們現在至少還有一點喘息之機在危局到來之前重整世界秩序;就算真到了那個時候,假如我們不遺餘力,我們依然可以在這方面保有可畏的優勢,足以對任何其他使用或威脅使用此等手段的國家構成有效威懾。最終,當人類的兄弟情義可以通過一個國際組織得到真正體現且該組織擁有所有必要的實際護衛措施使其生效時,這等手段自當託付給該組織。

接下來我要談一下第二位掠奪者,威脅著千萬民居和普通老百姓的第二個危險,即暴政。我們不能無視一個事實,就是美國和大英帝國公民在兩國境內到處都能享受的自由,在相當多的國家裡並不存在,其中一些國家還十分強大。在這些國家內部,各種大包大攬的警察政府對老百姓強加控制,以致壓倒和違背了一切民主原則。獨裁者或是組織嚴密的寡頭集團通過享有特權的單一黨派和政治警察隊伍毫無節制地行使著國家的大權。在這多難的歲月,我們的責任不是以武力幹預那些我們不曾在戰爭中征服的國家的內部事務。但是我們絕不能放棄以大無畏的聲調宣揚自由的偉大原則和基本人權。這些英語世界的共同遺產,繼大憲章、人權法案、人身保護法、陪審團審訊制以及英國習慣法之後,又在美國獨立宣言中得到舉世聞名的表現。

這一切意味著任何國家的國民都應有權利且有權力通過憲法行為、不受制約的自由選舉以及不記名投票來選擇或改變自己所在國家政府的特徵或形式;言論與思想自由應當高於一切。應當由獨立于行政機構、不受任何黨派影響的法庭來執行獲得大多數人認可並遵從公序良俗的法律。這是應當存放在每一戶人家中的自由契約。這是英美兩國人民向全人類傳達的資訊。讓我們坐言起行——讓我們出言必行。

儘管我剛剛談及了戰爭與暴政這威脅人們的兩大危險,但我還沒有說到貧困與匱乏的問題,在許多情況下這才是人們憂心不已的最主要原因。但是假如戰爭與暴政的危險得以消除,那麼科學與協作無疑將有能力在未來幾年內,最遲不超過未來幾十年內,為這個剛剛歷經戰火歷練的世界帶來物質福利的極大提高,在人類歷史上還從未有過類似的情況。

在這個悲哀而令人窒息的時刻,我們陷入了之前的壯闊鬥爭所導致的饑餓與窮困當中;但這一切都將很快過去,除了人類的愚蠢與不齒於人類的罪行,沒有任何其他理由能夠阻止世界各國步入並盡情享受充裕的時代。我經常引用五十年前我從一位偉大的愛爾蘭-美籍演說家、我的友人波克.考克蘭先生那裡學來的名言:「充分供養所有人是可行的。大地是一位慷慨的母親,她會為所有子女提供充足的食物,而他們只需以公義與和平對她的土壤善加耕耘即可。」至今我依然完全同意他的觀點。

現在,在我們仍然奉行這一實現我們全面戰略概念的方法時,我要講一講此行要談的關鍵問題。沒有我所稱之為各英語民族同胞手足式的聯合,有效地防止戰爭和繼續發展世界組織都是辦不到的。這意味著英聯邦與帝國要和美利堅合眾國建立特殊的關係。女士們先生們,現在不是泛泛而論的時候,我要明確地談一下。兄弟般的聯合不僅要求我們兩個龐大而血緣相連的社會制度之間存在日益增長的友誼和相互諒解,而且要求雙方軍事顧問繼續保持密切的聯繫,以便共同研究潛在危險、武器異同、訓練教材以及軍事院校互換軍官和學員的問題。這一點還應包括聯合使用兩國在世界各地掌握的所有海空基地,使現有的設施繼續用於共同安全的目的。這樣做或許可以令美國海空軍機動能力加倍。這將使英帝國軍力極大提升,待到世界局勢穩定時,這一做法還能節省大量財政支出。我們兩國已經開始共同使用大量島嶼了,未來或許還有更多島嶼可以交付於共管之下。

美國早已與密切從屬於英聯邦與帝國的加拿大自治領地簽訂了永久防禦協議。這一協定比起此前任何在正式同盟關係之下簽訂的協定都更有效力。這一原則應當以完全對等的原則擴展至整個英聯邦。因此,無論發生何種事態且僅在該事態發生的情況下,我們將有能力保障自己的安全並並為了高遠而單純的目標而合作,這些目標對我們而言十分可貴,對任何其他國家也不構成任何惡意。最終或許還將會出現——我認為這一天終將到來——兩國共同公民身份的原則,不過我們對這一點倒不妨順勢而為,這一勢頭我們很多人都早已清楚見到了。

但我們必須自問一個重要的問題:美國與英聯邦之間的特殊關係是否會與我們對國際組織高於一切的忠誠相抵觸呢?我的答案是恰恰相反,這或許是該組織獲得完全地位與力量的唯一方法。我剛剛提到的美加特殊關係早已存在,美國與南美各共和國之間也有著特殊關係。我們英國人也與蘇俄簽訂了二十年合作與互助協定,我同意英國外相貝文先生的觀點,即兩國很可能還會有一個五十年協定。我們的目的僅僅是與俄國的互惠互助。英國與葡萄牙遠在1384年就結為同盟,這一同盟在最近的戰爭中發揮了極大作用。這一切都沒有與世界利益發生衝突,相反還大有裨益。「在我父的家裡,有許多住處。」聯合國成員國之間不針對任何其他國家且不包含任何與聯合國憲章相悖意圖的特殊關係非但有益無害,而且在我看來不可或缺。

女士們先生們,剛才我談到了和平殿堂的概念。各國工人必須同心協力來修建這座殿堂。假如其中兩位工人彼此交情深厚,假如他們是通家之好,假如他們有著「對彼此目的的信心,對彼此未來的期望以及對彼此不足的慈悲」——這是我幾天前在這裡看到的話——那他們為什麼不能以朋友與搭檔的身份通力協作呢?他們為什麼不能分享工具以便增強彼此的工作能力呢?實際上他們必須這麼做,否則這座殿堂就永無完工之日或難免垮塌的厄運,而我們這些屢教不改的學生們將不得不三度返回戰爭學堂進修,其嚴苛程度將遠非我們剛剛脫身的這場戰爭所能相提並論。黑暗時代將會捲土重來,石器時代將插著科學的翅膀再度降臨,那原本可以為人類帶來無盡物質福祉的力量將會導致人類的徹底毀滅。要當心,時間不等人。我們不能袖手旁觀直至為時已晚為止。如果我所描述的兄弟同盟確能成真,假如我們兩國都能從中獲取力量與安全,請讓我們確保全世界都能得知這一重大事實,確保這一同盟為維護與穩定和平的基礎做出應有貢獻。這是明智的途徑,防患未然總勝於亡羊補牢。

不久剛被盟軍勝利所照亮的大地已經籠罩上了陰影。沒有人知道蘇俄和它的共產主義國際組織打算在最近的將來幹些什麼,以及它們領土與意識形態擴張傾向的止境在哪裡,如果還有止境的話。對於英勇的俄羅斯人民和我的戰時夥伴史達林元帥,我十分欽佩和尊敬。在英國——我毫不懷疑在這裡也是一樣——人們對俄國各族人民懷有同情和善意,決心經受種種分歧和挫折,建立起持久的友誼。我們理解,俄國需要它西部邊界的安全,以免再次遭受德國的侵略。我們歡迎她佔有它在世界大國中有權佔有的地位。我們歡迎她的旗幟在海上飄揚。我們尤其歡迎或應當歡迎俄國人民和大西洋兩岸的我方人民之間保持持續、頻繁且日益增加的接觸。但是我有責任把有關當前歐洲形勢的某些事實擺在你們面前。

從波羅的海的什切青到亞得裡亞海邊的的里雅斯特,一幅橫貫歐洲大陸的鐵幕已經降落下來。在這條線後面座落著中歐和東歐古國的都城。華沙、柏林、布拉格、維也納、布達佩斯、貝爾格勒、布加勒斯特和索菲亞——所有這些名城及其居民無一不處在蘇聯的勢力範圍之內,不僅以這種或那種形式屈服於蘇聯的勢力影響,而且還受到莫斯科日益增強的高壓控制。只有雅典放射著它不朽的光輝,在英、美、法三國現場觀察下,自由地決定它的前途。受俄國支配的波蘭政府在前者慫恿之下正對德國領土實行不義的大片侵佔,正在以可悲而難以置信的規模把數以百萬計的德國人成群地驅逐出境。在所有這些東歐國家,原本弱小的共產黨已經上升到同它們黨員人數遠不相稱的主導掌權地位,到處爭取極權主義的控制。警察政府幾乎在到處都占了上風。到目前為之,除了捷克斯洛伐克,該地區根本沒有真正的民主。

土耳其和波斯都為莫斯科政府向它們提出的要求以及施加的壓力而感到驚惶萬分。駐在柏林的俄國人正試圖通過對各左翼領導集團的袒護,在他們的德國佔領區建立一個准共產黨。去年6月戰鬥結束時,美國和英國軍隊按照先前的協議從一條將近四百英里寬的戰線上西撤,在某些地方撤退距離深達一百五十英里。俄國人就這樣佔領了西方民主國家所攻打下來的遼闊的土地。

現在,如果蘇聯政府試圖單獨行動,在他們的地區建立一個親共的德國,將會給英美兩國佔領區製造嚴重的困難,戰敗的德國人將會得到在蘇聯和西方民主國家之間拍賣抬價的權力。這些都是事實。不論我們從中得到什麼結論,這肯定不是我們進行武裝鬥爭所要建立的自由歐洲,也不是一個具有永久和平必要條件的歐洲。

女士們先生們,世界的安全有賴於歐洲成為新的整體,沒有哪個國家應當被永遠排除在外。我們剛剛目睹的這場戰爭之所以發生就是因為歐洲強勢民族之間爭端不止。我們這一代人已經兩次見到美國違背國內意願與傳統,不顧爭議與誰也不敢輕忽的力量,受無法抵擋的力量牽引著兩次步入戰爭,為正義一方爭取勝利,但兩次都等到可怖的屠殺與毀滅已然發生時才動身。

在橫跨歐洲的鐵幕前面,還有其它令人焦慮的因素。義大利共產黨由於不得不支持共產黨訓練的鐵托元帥對亞得裡亞海頂端前義大利領土的要求而受到嚴重的牽制。儘管如此,義大利還是前途未蔔。再一點,如果沒有一個強大的法國,歐洲的復興將是不可思議的。甚至在最黑暗的日子裡,我也不曾對法國的命運喪失信心。現在自然更不會。不過在遠離俄國邊界、遍佈世界各地的許多國家裡,共產黨第五縱隊已經建立。它絕對服從來自共產主義中心的指令,完全協調地工作著。除了在英聯邦和美國——那裡的共產主義運動還在嬰兒時代——共產黨第五縱隊到處都構成對基督教文明的日益嚴重的挑釁和危險。這是任何人在取得勝利的次日都應該謹記的黯淡事實。這一勝利是通過在戰鬥中以及在自由和民主的事業中結成情誼深厚的戰友關係所取得的。如果我們不趁還來得及的時候正視這些事實,那就太不明智了。

遠東尤其是滿洲地區的情況同樣不容樂觀。雅爾達協定——我也是簽署人之一——極度偏向蘇俄,但是簽署該協定時誰也沒想到對德戰爭會在在1945年夏秋季過去之前結束,而根據當時的主流意見對日作戰在對德戰爭結束後還要持續一年半。在這個國家你們對於遠東局勢是很熟悉的,也一直是中國的忠實朋友,因此我在這裡就不多說了。

但是我還是感到有責任對這片籠罩東西方世界的陰影進行描述。凡爾賽和約簽署期間我是一名政府大臣,也是英國代表團團長勞合-喬治先生的密友。我本人對於凡爾賽的許多做法都不以為然,但這一事件依舊給我留下了深刻印象,將當時的情況與眼下相比實在令我心如刀絞。當時的人們懷有高漲的希望與無限的信心,相信戰爭永不會重來,相信國聯無所不能。在眼下這個動盪的世界,我完全沒有看到或感受到相同的信心或希望。

不過話又說回來,女士們先生們,我絕對反對新一輪戰爭不可避免的想法,更不用說什麼戰爭已經迫在眉睫了。因為我很確定,我們的命運還在自己手中,我們有力量拯救未來,我感到有責任抓住目前這個發言機會說明這一點。我不相信蘇俄希望戰爭。他們所希望的是得到戰爭的果實以及無限擴張他們的權力和主義。但是趁現在還為時未晚,我們所應當考慮的問題是如何永久制止戰爭並儘快在一切國家為自由和民主創造條件。對於困難和危險視而不見不能解決問題;袖手旁觀也不解決問題;採取綏靖政策也無濟於事。現在需要的是作出解決問題的安排。拖得越久就越困難,對我們的危險也就越大。

上一次我目睹大戰來臨時曾對自己本國同胞和全世界大聲疾呼,但是人們都聽不進。直到1933年甚至1935年,或許還能把德國從後來落到它頭上的可怕命運中拯救出來,使我們大家都免遭希特勒強加於人類的苦難。在全部歷史中,沒有哪一次戰爭比前不久使地球上廣大地區淪為廢墟的大戰更容易通過及時的行動加以制止。它本來可以不發一槍就遭到制止,而今天的德國也原本可以強大、繁榮而受人尊敬。但是誰也聽不進。於是所有我們這些國家一個接一個都被捲入了可怕的漩渦。我們必須絕不讓這種事重演。為了做到這一點,我們必須在1946年,在聯合國普遍權威之下,就所有問題同俄國達成良好諒解;並且通過這個世界性組織,在英語世界及其一切相關地區的全力支援下,使上述良好諒解在今後漫長的和平年份中維持下去。這就是我通過這次講話向大家呈現的解決方案,我稱之為「和平砥柱」。

請不要低估不列顛帝國和英聯邦的堅持。你們或許看到了4600萬本島居民受到食品供應的困擾,看到他們的糧食自給率只有一半,甚至在戰時也是如此。你們或許看到了在充滿激情的6年戰爭努力後我們在恢復工業生產與出口貿易方面所遭遇的困難。但絕不要以為我們無法像歷經戰火洗禮的年月一樣挺過眼下物質匱乏的黑暗時刻。絕不要以為半個世紀之後你們不會看到7000至8000萬英國人遍佈全世界,為了捍衛我們的傳統、生活方式以及你我雙方共同支援的事業而團結在一起。如果在美國的人口之外再加上英語聯邦的人口,再加上這種合作關係所涉及的在空中、海上、科學和工業各方面的合作,那就不會出現不穩定或不可靠的力量均衡,挑逗野心家和冒險家們輕舉妄動,相反將會出現壓倒性的安全保證。倘若我們忠實於聯合國憲章,以鎮定而清醒的力量向前邁進,不貪圖任何人的土地與財富,不對人類思想進行任何專斷控制;倘若英國所有道義上、物質上的力量和信念,都同你們的力量和信念兄弟般的聯合在一起,那將不僅為我們、為我們的時代,而且也將為所有的人與未來的世紀帶來一個廣闊的前程,這是明確無疑的。

 

邱吉爾鐵幕演說的英文稿如下:

  I am glad to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and am complimented that you should give me a degree. The name “Westminster” is somehow familiar to me. I seem to have heard of it before. Indeed, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.
  It is also an honour, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities – unsought but not recoiled from – the President has travelled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me, however, make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.
  I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has been gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.
  The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall guide and rule the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement. When American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words “over-all strategic concept.” There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe today? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up in the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.
  To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded from the two giant marauders, war and tyranny. We all know the frightful disturbances in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilised society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them all is distorted, all is broken, even ground to pulp. When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualise what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called “the unestimated sum of human pain.” Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.
  Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their “over-all strategic concept” and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step – namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organisation has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war, UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon the rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars – though not, alas, in the interval between them – I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.
  I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organisation must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to delegate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organisation. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniform of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organisation. This might be started on a modest scale and would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust it may be done forthwith.
  It would nevertheless be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, Great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organisation, while it is still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one in any country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are at present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and if some Communist or neo-Fascist State monopolised for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organisation with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organisation.
  Now I come to the second danger of these two marauders which threatens the cottage, the home, and the ordinary people – namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. But we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.
  All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practise – let us practise what we preach.
  I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the homes of the people: War and Tyranny. I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and co-operation can bring in the next few years to the world, certainly in the next few decades newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience. Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly of sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learned fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran. “There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and in peace.” So far I feel that we are in full agreement.
  Now, while still pursuing the method of realising our overall strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have travelled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organisation will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States. This is no time for generalities, and I will venture to be precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relationship between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire Forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.
  The United States has already a Permanent Defence Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have often been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to work together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come – I feel eventually there will come – the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.
  There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organisation? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organisation will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada which I have just mentioned, and there are the special relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years Treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since 1384, and which produced fruitful results at critical moments in the late war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organisation; on the contrary they help it. “In my father’s house are many mansions.” Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbour no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable. I spoke earlier of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are inter-mingled, and if they have “faith in each other’s purpose, hope in each other’s future and charity towards each other’s shortcomings” – to quote some good words I read here the other day – why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why cannot they share their tools and thus increase each other’s working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we shall all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war, incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind I have described, with all the extra strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilising the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than cure.
  A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately lighted by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organisation intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytising tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain – and I doubt not here also – towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you, to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe. From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in many cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone – Greece with its immortal glories – is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy. Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of Occupied Germany by showing special favours to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westwards, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.
  If now the Soviet Government tries, by separate action, to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the British and American zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts – and facts they are – this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.
  The safety of the world requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wishes and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation had occurred. Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with its Charter. That I feel is an open cause of policy of very great importance. In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito’s claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic.
  Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I have worked for a strong France and I never lost faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist centre. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilisation. These are sombre facts for anyone to have to recite on the morrow of a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.
  The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favourable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you are all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there. I have felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world.
  I was a high minister at the time of the Versailles Treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over, and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or even the same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.
  On the other hand I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here to-day while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.
  From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength, and there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter, their influence for furthering those principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided or falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.
  Last time I saw it all coming and cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. There never was a war in all history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honoured to-day; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely must not let that happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organisation and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the world instrument, supported by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title “The Sinews of Peace.”
  Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose that we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony, or that half a century from now, you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world and united in defence of our traditions, our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary, there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one’s land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the high-roads of the future will be clear, not only for us but for all, not only for our time, but for a century to come.
--轉自新世紀
責任編輯:任慧夫
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2018-10-08 9:36 AM
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