【大紀元12月12日訊】（大紀元特約記者南希美國華盛頓DC報導）2009年12月4日(星期五)晚，在美國首都華盛頓附近的馬里蘭州蒙哥馬利郡議會大樓舉辦的中、英文兩場題為「《九評》與《退黨》對中國及世界的影響」的大型研討會上，十幾位中國問題專家、社區領袖發表演講。專家們認為，《九評》發表五年來，效果實在、巨大，徹底改變了中國人民對共產黨的幻想，使越來越多的中國民眾覺醒。
研討會由《大紀元時報》主辦，《華府論壇》及華府《全球退出中共服務中心》協辦。華府大紀元社長聶森教授主持中、英文研討會。
2009年12月4日(星期五) 晚﹐在美國首都華盛頓附近的馬里蘭州蒙哥馬利郡議會大樓舉辦的中﹑英文兩場題為「《九評》與『退黨』對中國及世界的影響」的大型研討會上﹐十幾位中國問題專家﹑社區領袖發表演講。（攝影：奚明/大紀元）
英文大紀元時報評論員、美國政府退休職員蓋利‧菲爾伯格（Gary Feuerberg）博士在研討會上，用另一種視角看《九評》的作用。
菲爾伯格認為，雖然《九評》目前在美國還沒有像在中國大陸那樣引人注目，但《九評》的後效應，也就是隨之而來的退黨大潮（已經有6400萬人宣佈退出中共黨、團、隊），最終將致使美國對中國問題的解決方法發生重大轉變。中共雖然貌似強大，操控民眾，但是中共體制下面正開始發生地震，最終將撼動其基礎，摧毀它。
以下是蓋利‧菲爾伯格博士在研討會上演講的中文翻譯(小標題為記者所加)及英文全文。
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朋友們晚上好﹐
《九評》以歷史紀元觀點而寫 與共產統治下受折磨讀者共鳴
在美國﹐《九評共產黨》這本書所帶來的影響到目前並沒有被注意到。並沒有像在中國大陸那樣立刻引起發酵並且產生重大的效果。其原因可能是這本書主要是針對那些在共產黨獨裁統治下長期受折磨的讀者而寫的。而且﹐在美國﹐幾乎沒有人認同共產黨。同時﹐這本書是從整個歷史的觀點而寫的﹐一個朝代的起始與墜落﹐或者﹐換句話說﹐一個文明的消失與興盛—紀元的更換﹐這也是我工作的報紙﹐發表了《九評共產黨》的大紀元﹐所得到的名稱。美國人不習慣想大的範圍﹐用紀元的概念來想﹐但是這是需要改變的。
《九評》動搖中共根基 將導致美國對中國態度的重大轉變
我今晚想要和各位討論的是用另一種角度來看《九評》。《九評》在美國也許沒有像在中國大陸那樣給人重錘棒喝的感覺﹐但是《九評》帶來的結果﹐舉例來說﹐大量的中國人民﹐已經有六千四百萬了﹐宣佈退出中國共產黨以及其相關的組織﹐共青團和少先隊﹐ 最終將導致美國對中國態度的重大轉變。共產黨也許看起來很強大並且掌有權力﹐但是在它結構之下已經開始了一個地震﹐而這個地震會動搖它的根基﹐並且會摧毀掉它。從歷史紀元的角度來看﹐中國共產黨的滅亡是迫在眉睫了﹐因為爭相退出共產黨﹑團﹑隊的情勢使得所有政治改革的說法變得荒誕無稽。發生在中國的這個新紀元的改變將會見證到追求一黨專政改革的希望破滅﹐這也是美國對中國希望的寄託所在。
美國視中國為“有責任感的利益相關者”是一個幻想
在過去的20年間﹐大多數美國人以及朝野主要政黨領袖們的觀點都是非常的狹窄﹐不是歷史紀元式的想法。他們相信經濟的發展以及貿易會給中國人民帶來民主與更多的自由。這個 “既定” 的政策已經成為我們與中國外交政策的根本。美國希望藉著將中國視為一個朋友和貿易夥伴﹐中國將會成為一個 “有責任感的利益相關者”﹐ 套用前副國務卿羅伯‧佐利克(Robert Zoellick)的說法。這個錯誤的觀念﹐詹姆斯‧曼(James Mann)稱其為一個幻想﹐已經由美國的政府和專家告訴了美國的人民﹐就是說﹐我們要有耐心﹐資本主義最終會帶來自由﹐而商業貿易會改變中國的一黨專政。他們想要忘記目前專政下的人民解放軍在1989年的六四天安門﹐曾經被命令血腥鎮壓它的人民﹐而那個時候正是中國經濟改革剛剛開始的時期。人們忘記了在天安門廣場示威的人們在那個時候剛好將要革除共產黨內部各階層的全面貪污腐敗﹐而且剛好將要建立一個民主與法制的國家。在那個時候他們正在嚴肅的討論共產主義國家的改革﹐如果當時沒有用坦克車和機關槍殘酷的鎮壓﹐以及接著而來的逮捕與搜抓民主倡議人士的話﹐中國現在可能已經是一個民主國家了。在血腥鎮壓了3到4千名–正確的數字無法知道﹐但是大約是在這個數字左右–無辜的示威人民之後﹐美國的領袖們私底下向中國共產黨的領袖們保證美國對中國在外交政策沒有改變。因此﹐在1990年﹐美國的政治家們歡迎中國加入聯合國的大家庭裡﹐給予中國最惠國貿易優惠﹐以及很快的又支持中國進入世界貿易組織。
美國國務院﹑國會﹑人權機構 都承認中國在宗教與政治改革上沒有一點改變
但是事情並沒有如許多中國問題專家和政治學究們所預期的那樣發生。中國在宗教與政治改革的方向上﹐沒有一點改變。美國國務院﹑國會委員會以及數不清的人權機構﹐如國際大赦和人權觀察 — 都承認這點。他們記錄了過去的10年間中國人權的惡化。中國共產黨在人權侵犯與人類尊嚴迫害方面的罪行 — 警察綁架良民﹑任意抓捕人民﹑暴打上訪者﹑成千上萬的強迫墮胎 (非選擇性的墮胎)﹑強迫中國婦女絕育﹑甚至強制結束9個月的懷孕﹑電腦網絡的封鎖(5萬名警察監視著中國的老百姓看他們允許看的訊息)﹐即使是數算一個百分點的罪行我在這裡都沒有時間數完。
中共最糟糕的人權迫害 是酷刑虐殺法輪功修煉人
但是最糟糕的是法輪功修煉人所面對的特殊對待﹐特殊的虐待方法和工具﹐在中國警察拘留下成千上萬的修煉者被虐待致死﹐以及成千上萬甚至可能上百萬的修煉者被送到奴隸勞工營。
讓我舉兩個代表例子﹐我最近在《大紀元時報》上報導的。
戴金波 (Dai Jinbo)﹐24歲﹐10月29日在蘭托斯人權委員會(Lantos Human Rights Commission)前作證中國的宗教自由與法律的現況。他在2008年通過了法學考試﹐在中國四處旅遊幫助那些家庭教會爭取權利。戴說﹐在山西省臨汾縣﹐超過300個警察人員﹐沒有穿制服﹐以及當地共產黨官員﹐在9月13日﹐衝進他們用來做為家庭教會的工廠。
戴律師說﹐警察使用 “軍事武器﹑木棍﹑磚頭﹑鐵鉤以及其他尖銳的工具暴打人民﹐同時還砸搶他們的財產。他們毒打超過100個以上完全措手不及的基督徒。許多人失去知覺﹐許多人昏倒在他們自己所流出的血水中。”
中共鎮壓家庭教會 反映中國法律的不存在
推土機和其他重型機器被調動差遣去拆除許多的建築物。地方的基督徒們求助於使用工廠做為他們禮拜的場所﹐因為在中國沒有註冊的宗教組織無法得到合法的教堂資產﹐而且拒絕他們申請使用建築物的許可。地方當局禁止和打擊家庭教會以及其他宗教組織﹐“非法” 場地﹐ 以及“非法” 聖經研習。
大家都知道家庭教會的活動是和平的。所以任何的打擊只能反映出中國法律是不存在。
幾天前﹐中國在指責他們 “聚集群眾干擾公共秩序” 之後﹐判決了5位這種 “非法”家庭教會的組織者兩年勞教刑期。山西省臨汾縣縣北的城市公安人員﹐在地方當局帶領這些抗議教堂建築被拆除的基督徒來以後﹐ 押送4名婦女和一名男士到一個再教育勞動營(Re-education Through Labor, RTL)﹐一個集中營﹐沒有經過審判司法程序﹐以及任何其他程序﹐而是由警察﹐公安局﹐決定。判處勞動營是 “行政”並且通常是不需要經過任何法院審理或者是沒有權利提出上訴的。 上個禮拜﹐一個地方法院以類似的罪名判處另外5名臨汾縣家庭教會的領袖3年到7年不等的監獄刑期。
中國新聞人員體制內改革的揭露罪行是徒勞無效的
另外一個說明要改變這個專政系統是如何的不可能的例子﹐來自於費利浦‧潘(Philip Pan) 最近的一本書﹐“走出毛澤東的陰影(Out of Mao’s Shadow)”。我在 《大紀元時報》為這本書寫了一篇書評。潘將其中的一章致意給一位新聞記者程益中(Cheng Yizhong)。 他帶領著廣東南方城市日報(Guangdong’s Southern Metropolis Daily)與臭名昭著的收容系統(shourong system)打了一場戰。這個收容系統是指全國城市的警察會挑選失蹤的人﹑離家出走的人﹑流浪漢以及任何無助的人﹐以釋放他們為由來勒索巨額費用。當報紙曝光這個收容系統後﹐溫家寶 (Wen Jiabao)﹐ 中國的總理﹐命令停止收容制度﹐並且關掉全國700 家看守所。這是個非常大的勝利﹐因為這個收容系統使警察有利可圖﹐並且每年約有多達兩百萬的人被關在看守所裡。 然而﹐這場勝利過後沒有多久﹐廣州市委書記發動攻擊﹐以南方城市日報金融腐敗的偽造證據﹐拘捕與關押程和另外兩位高級編輯。
因為公眾的輿論批評﹐程在五個月以後被釋放了。但是在釋放前他遭受了酷刑折磨—沒有像法輪功學員那樣厲害—但是仍然有剝奪睡眠﹑冷水激澆全身﹑扣留食物以及要求 “交代” 的巨大壓力。其中一位日報的行政人員大概在減少監獄刑期後仍然需要服刑4 年。我們了解到程現在被禁止去他的日報報社﹐並且有一份不起眼的工作。
根據潘的描寫﹐在經歷了監獄服刑後﹐程的結論是 新聞報導揭露的罪行不會使這個共產黨改變﹐因此他認為共產黨的法律條文 “無可救要的腐化”﹐他已經 “對共產黨系統失去所有的希望”
新聞從業人員程的在共產黨系統內改革是徒勞無效的結論就是我們今天的結論。
中共不理世界輿論美國壓力 拒絕釋放高志晟律師
我們不能再逃避這個結論﹐就是這個共產黨獨裁專政—雖然他們有總統﹐但是他不是被民選出來的﹐他們雖然有法律﹐但是共產黨永遠高於法律—不能被改革。不能被改革—這是那些改革家﹐像中國的一些有抱負的記者﹑保護權力的律師﹑環境保護家以及學術學者專家們都在測試著﹐而中國共產黨是永遠通不過這個測試。我們目前聽到如此多有關法律條文的強調說法﹐十幾二十位律師要求根據法律判案的獨立司法制度﹐以及不被中國共產黨一黨獨裁的要求﹐除非首先將共產黨除掉﹐否則這些都不會發生。
希望中國人民以及他們的領導者能夠接受民主和法律美好結果的那些在中國和海外英勇的努力沒有結出果實。這是我們在2月4號﹐看到中國警察綁架人權律師高志晟後所得出的結論。在美國及世界各地超過5 萬個關心的人們為高志晟簽名請願﹐要求中共當局告訴大家高志晟到底在哪裡並且要求立即釋放高志晟。但是﹐中共當局仍然堅持拒絕交出這個人。根本不理世界各地的輿論﹐以及美國國會對中國執行委員會主席﹐參議員拜倫‧德根(Byron Dorgan)的演說﹐美國參議院議會提案﹐這個共產當局一點都不讓步。
如果中國共產黨真的想要朝人權與自由方向移動﹐它就應該停止它的非法監禁﹐最起碼告訴大家高志晟這個人的消息﹐他已經被全世界公認為是有良心的人。
中國共產黨的銷毀與瓦解是走向法律制度的前身—這是無法避免的結論。這是我們美國也需要了解的。
美國主流媒體應該報導支持和平的退黨(退出中共)運動
《九評共產黨》的重要性﹐對在美國的我們來說﹐是它使得數千萬的中國人退出了共產黨。也就是說﹐我們應該支持這個退黨運動(退出中國共產黨)﹐鼓勵它﹐並且我們的主流媒體應該要報導它。
這裡有一些我們應該做的事。
我們的領袖應該歡迎中國的異議人士。奧巴馬總統應該與家庭教會成員﹑保衛人權的律師﹑以及政治異議人士見面﹐就像雷根總統在前蘇聯時期所做的一樣。我們的駐華大使應該邀請這些人到美國來討論﹐這些人也應該被邀請到美國白宮來聊聊。
美國行政部門應該跳過中共 直接與中國人民接觸
更進一步來說﹐當奧巴馬總統到中國去訪問的時候﹐應該告訴他在中國有許多的人權律師如江天勇﹑黎雄兵﹑李方平﹑李和平和莫少平都被居家監禁中。
我們與中國的溝通需要跳過中共當局的官員直接與中國人民交談。中共當局上個月非常成功的將奧巴馬總統與中國人民隔開。他的市鎮廳會議由他們控制﹐他的記者招待會沒有全國的播放﹐記者不許問問題。 美國的行政部門應該要更堅定的找出一種方法能夠跳過中共當局的官員直接與中國人民交談﹐就像發出收音機廣播﹐如自由亞洲電臺。
美國須要支持互聯網自由 讓中國人民了解真相
另外一個方法就是利用網際網絡。目前﹐全球互聯網自由（GIF）聯盟正在突破中國的金盾工程﹐藉著為中國人民提供電腦軟件的方式迴避中共當局的檢測。這個金盾工程是阻擋中國人民連接一些網站﹐而這些網站是中共當局不願意他們看到的。 如果美國國會能夠撥款3千萬美元給全球互聯網自由（GIF）聯盟﹐GIF 就能夠從現在的每天150萬上網容量提高到每天5千萬的上網容量。中共網絡警察要想攔截這樣的容量其花費是可觀而令人卻步的。至少中國的人民可以了解到三年大飢荒﹑天安門大屠殺﹑迫害法輪功﹑他們政府官員的貪污腐敗﹐等等。然而﹐ 美國的國務院必須要克服不能因為支持由法輪功義工所執行的全球互聯網自由（GIF）聯盟而得罪北京政府的顧慮。
謝謝。
The Emerging Choice in China: Reforming the Communist Party vs. Ending It
Greetings Friends,
In the United States, the impact of the Nine Commentaries on the Communist Party has so far not been very noticeable. It has not taken off and had the momentous effect that it immediately had on Mainland China. Probably the reason is that the primary audience it was written for were people who have long suffered under the authoritarian rule of the Communist Party. However, in American, almost nobody identifies with communism. Also, it was written from the perspective of the whole sweep of history, the rise and fall of a dynasty, or, in other words, the decline and ascendency of a civilization—Epoch changes, which is how my newspaper, The Epoch Times, which published the Nine Commentaries, derived its name. Americans are not accustomed to reflect in that grand scale, thinking in terms of epochs. That is going to have to change.
What I want to discuss with you tonight is another way to view the Nine Commentaries. The Nine Commentaries may not have the knock-out punch here in the states that it is having in Mainland China, but a consequence of the Nine Commentaries, namely, the massive number of people—already some 64 million—renouncing the Party and/or its affiliated organizations, the Young Pioneers and Communist Youth League, will eventually lead the way to a momentous shift in America’s approach to China. The Party may look strong and in control, but underlying the structure are the beginnings of an earthquake that will shake its very foundations, and destroy it. In terms of historical epochs, the fall of Chinese Communist Party is imminent, as the stampede to get out will make all talk of reform preposterous. This epochal change in China will witness the relinquishing of the desire to look for reforms of the one-party system, which is what America pinned its hopes of engagement on with China.
In the past two decades, the perspective of most Americans and the leaders of both of the main political parties has been quite narrow, not epochal type thinking. The belief has been that economic development and trade will bring democracy and more freedom to the Chinese people. The ‘engagement’ policy has been the basis of our foreign policy with China, hoping that by treating China as a friend and trading partner, China will become a “responsible stakeholder,” to use former Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick’s term. This mistaken view, what James Mann calls a fantasy, has been told to the American people by their government and scholars, to just be patient, capitalism will eventually bring liberty, and commerce will transform China’s one-party political system. They want to forget the current regime’s People’s Liberation Army that was ordered to kill civilians in 1989, June 4th Tiananmen Square Massacre, about the time that China’s economic reforms were at the beginning stages. People forget that the Tiananmen Square protests were about ending widespread corruption in the ranks of the Party and about establishing a democracy and the rule of law. There was serious talk of reform of the communist state, and if it hadn’t been brutally crushed with tanks and machine guns, subsequent arrests and hunting down of democracy advocates, China might have evolved into a democracy. After the massacre of 3 or 4,000 innocent demonstrators—the precise number was never determined, but it was somewhere around that number—US leaders privately assured China’s communist leaders there would not be a change in policy. So, in the 1990s, the U.S. politicians welcomed China into the family of nations, granting most favored nation trade privileges and soon after sponsored China’s entry to the World Trade Organization.
But the events have not turned out as many China experts and policy wonks had predicted. China has not moved by any means in the direction towards religious or political reform. The U.S. State Department, Congressional commissions and numerous human rights organizations, such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch—all agree on this. They have documented a worsening of human rights in China in the past decade. I don’t have time here to recount even a fraction of the abuses of power and violations of human rights and human dignity by the Chinese Communist Party—the abductions by the police, arbitrary arrests, the beating up of petitioners, the millions of forced abortions—not abortions by choice– and forced sterilizations on China’s women, even terminating 9-month pregnancies involuntarily, the Internet blockade where 50,000 police monitor what Chinese citizens are allowed to see. And worse of all, the special treatment that Falun Gong practitioners are subject to, with special methods and instruments of torture, with thousands tortured to death under police custody, and hundreds of thousands, possibly millions, sent to slave labor camps.
Let me focus on two representative examples that I reported on recently for The Epoch Times.
Dai Jinbo, 24 years old, testified October 29, before the Human Rights Lantos Commission on the status of religious freedom and the rule of law in China. He passed his jurisprudence exam in 2008, and travels about the country helping to defend the rights of house churches. Dai described in Linfen, Shaanxi province, more than 300 police officers, but not in uniform, and local Communist Party officials, who on Sept. 13, stormed into a factory that was being used as a venue for house churches.
Lawyer Dai said the police used “military weapons, wood sticks, bricks, iron hooks and other sharp instruments to beat the people, while smashing and looting the property. They severely beat more than one hundred Christians who were caught entirely off guard. Many lost consciousness and many more collapsed in pools of their own blood.”
Bulldozers and other heavy equipment were dispatched to demolish many buildings. The Christians in the area resort to using a factory as a venue for their services because unregistered religious organizations in China cannot obtain legal church assets, and applications for a building permit are rejected. Local authorities ban and crackdown on house churches and other religious organizations, “illegal” venues, and “illegal” Bible workshops.
It is well known that the house church movement is peaceful. So any crackdown only reflects that the rule of law in China is nonexistent.
A few days ago, China sentenced five organizers of this “illegal” house church to two years at a labor camp, after accusing them of “gathering people to disturb the public order.” Public security officials in the northern city of Linfen, Shanxi province, sent the four women and one man were sent to a re-education through labor (RTL) camp—a concentration camp, not by a judicial process with a trial, and so on, but by the police, the Public Security Bureau, after they led Christians who were protesting the demolition of church buildings by local authorities. Sentences to labor camps are “administrative” and are normally passed without any court hearing or right of appeal. Last week, a local court sentenced five other leaders of Linfen’s house church to between three years and seven years in prison on similar charges.
Another example of how impossible it is to change the system comes from Philip Pan’s recent book, Out of Mao’s Shadow, for which I wrote a book review in the Epoch Times. Pan devotes a chapter on newspaperman Cheng Yizhong, who led a crusade in Guangdong’s Southern Metropolis Daily against the notorious shourong system, where police in cities around the country would pick up lost people, runaways, vagrants and anyone that was somehow vulnerable and extort huge fees for their release. As a result of the paper’s expose, Wen Jiabao, China’s premier, ordered an end to the shourong regulations and a closing down of the nation’s 700 detention centers. This was a tremendous victory as the shourong system was very lucrative for the police and as many as two million persons were being detained annually. However, not long after this victory, the Guangzhou party boss set in motion, the arrest and imprisonment of Cheng and two of the top editors on fabricated evidence of financial corruption of the paper.
A public outcry got Cheng released after five months, but not before he was tortured—not as severe as the Falun Gong practitioners—but sleep deprivation, cold water poured on his body, withholding of food and enormous pressure to “confess.” One of the other executives at the Daily is presumably still serving out the four years of a reduced prison sentence. We learn that Cheng is now banned from his newspaper, the Daily and has an inconsequential job.
According to Pan, after experiencing prison, Cheng concluded that exposes by journalists will not reform the party and that he considers the party’s rule “irredeemably corrupt” and that he had “lost all hope in the system.”
Newspaperman Cheng’s conclusion on the futility of working within the Communist system is where we here are today. We can no longer avoid the conclusion that this communist dictatorship—though it has a president, he is not elected, it has laws but the Communist Party is always above the law—cannot be reformed. Cannot be reformed—that is what the reformers, like China’s aspiring journalists, rights defense lawyers, environmentalists and academics are testing and the CCP always fails the test. The emphasis on the rule of law that we hear so much now with dozens of lawyers demanding an independent judiciary that decides on the basis of the law and not be dictated by the Party, won’t ever come into being without first removing the Communist Party.
The heroic efforts in China and overseas to convince the Chinese people and their leaders of the virtues of democracy and the rule of law have not borne fruit. This is what we conclude as we witness the abduction on Feb. 4, by Chinese police, of human rights attorney Gao Zhisheng. More than 50,000 concerned citizens in the U.S. and around the world have signed a petition on Gao Zhisheng’s behalf, demanding the Chinese regime give an account of Gao’s whereabouts and asking for his immediate release. But the regime steadfastly refuses to produce the man. Despite an international outcry, and speeches by Senator Byron Dorgan, Chairman of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, on the floor of the U.S. Senate, the regime will not budge. If the Chinese Communist Party really wanted to move in the direction of more human rights and freedom, it would cease its illegal detention, and at a minimum give a full accounting of this individual Gao Zhisheng, who is recognized by the international community as a person of conscience.
The destruction and disintegration of the CCP is a precursor to the rule of law—that is the inescapable conclusion. That’s what we too in the U.S. need to understand. The importance of the Nine Commentaries for us in the United States is that it has led to millions renouncing the Party. That means we have to support the Tuidang movement [quitting the CP], applaud it and our mainstream media need to report on it.
Here’s what else we need to do.
Our leaders need to embrace China’s dissidents. President Obama should have met with house church members, defense rights attorneys and political dissidents, just as President Reagan did in the former Soviet Union. Our Embassy in China should be inviting these people over for discussions and they should be invited when they come to the U.S. for chats at the White House. Moreover, President Obama should be told that many attorneys, such as Jiang Tianyong, Li Xiongbing, Li Fangping, Li Heping and Mo Shaoping, were placed under house arrest while he was in China.
Our communications with the Chinese need to get past the Communist regime officials to speak directly to the Chinese people. The communist regime was very successful last month in keeping Obama away from the Chinese people. His town hall meeting was controlled by them and the press conference was not broadcast in the country and questions weren’t allowed. This administration must work with more determination for a way to get past the Chinese communist officials and talk directly to the Chinese people, such as beaming radio broadcasts, e.g., Radio Free Asia.
Another way is by the Internet. Presently, the Global Internet Freedom (GIF) Consortium is breaking through China’s Golden Shield by making available to Chinese citizens the software to circumvent the regime’s censorship, which blocks Chinese citizens from access to websites that the regime doesn’t want them to see. If Congress would appropriate $30 million dollars, the GIF could increase its current user capacity from 1.5 million per day to up to 50 million per day. The costs for China’s Internet police to prevent this are prohibitive. At last the people of China could learn the truth about the Three Year Great Famine, the Tiananmen Square Massacre, the persecution of Falun Gong, the corruption of their government officials, etcetera. However, the U.S. State Department will have to overcome its concerns of not offending Beijing by supporting the Global Internet Freedom Consortium, which is run by Falun Gong volunteers.
Thank you!
(http://www.dajiyuan.com)
