过滤信息 《星岛》存误导读者之嫌

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【大纪元4月16日讯】】(大纪元记者文华、杨 舒报导) 4月13日,《星岛日报》加东版与加拿大最大的英文日报《多伦多星报》(以下简称星报,Toronto Star),同一天均在头版发表了一篇有关加拿大华人对西藏问题看法的访谈报导。相较之下,《星岛》的这篇“星报专讯”过滤了大量的访谈分析,再配之以新 的标题和增加的小标,从而使得这两篇文章的编辑立意相去甚远。

4月13日,《多伦多星报》(Toronto Star)在头版刊登了题为Chinese Canadians Conflicted on Tibet(加拿大华人在西藏问题上的矛盾)的采访报导,描述目前加拿大华人在西藏事件上存在的不同意见和矛盾这一现象,并透过访谈曝光挑动极端民族主义、制造汉藏人对立的根源。同一天,总部位于香港的加拿大《星岛日报》(《星报》也已收购其大量股份),在其加东版头版头条刊登了题为 “西方藉西藏问题攻击中国 激发海外华人爱国精神” 的“星报专讯”。

在《星岛日报》发表的这篇星报专讯中,过滤了那些不合中共口味的分析和访谈,包括受访的一些加拿大华人对中国的人权状况的看法,等等。《星岛》还把英文文章里的“藏人”(Tibetans)改写成“藏独”,在标题、导语和文章的小标中,加入了容易煽情的字眼。

加拿大《星岛日报》执行编辑Wilson Chan在接受英文大纪元采访时为他们过滤记者访谈内容解释说,那些批评中共政权的内容被砍掉,是因为其中一些评论“没有新内容”;又说因为篇幅太长,因此编辑删掉了《星报》文章后面一些段落。不过星报文章中间的有些段落也被全部删掉了。

Wilson Chan辩护说,对标题激进的修改是一个编辑使用任何最适合那个故事的标题的权力,“不同的编辑有不同的解读;如果那个编辑是这样解读这个(访谈),那么,他就是这样处理”。

对此,中国问题专家石藏山分析说,这次在西藏问题的报导上,很多海外华文媒体都跟《星岛日报》一样过滤处理,刻意渲染汉藏间对立情绪,误导读者,把一个人权问题扭曲成民族纠纷问题,从而令极端民族主义成为中共继续迫害民众的挡箭牌。然而这样发展下去,受损的只能是中国和中国人民。

加拿大著名政论家苏赓哲在2004年就公开表示,《星岛日报》已变成香港“第四张亲共报纸”。据星岛内部员工透露,香港星岛管理层曾在开会时宣布:任何星岛员工要是发表反共的言论,就是“倒我的米”。广东话即“跟我捣蛋”的意思。这次星岛在西藏事件上的报导上,大多是根据中国官方和香港的消息来源,腔调和角度与中国官方基本一致。少报或不报藏人的受攻击,而大量报导汉人的受害,并在文章里渲染汉藏之间的仇恨情绪。

早在2001年11 月21日,美国独立非盈利机构詹姆斯通基金会(Jamestown Foundation)就在其《中国简讯》(China Brief)中揭示“中国政府是如何试图控制美国的华语媒体的”,《世界日报》,《星岛日报》,《明报》,《侨报》,都在其中。文章披露说,《星岛日报》前总裁胡仙(Sally Aw Sian)在上世纪80年代陷入经济困境时,曾获得中共资助度过难关,此后便逐渐改变了立场。2001年初,原香港烟草大王何英杰长孙香港泛华集团总裁何柱国收购了星岛,任命原《人民日报》编辑里戈担任星岛日报八个分社的海外新闻总编,而何柱国本人也当上了政协常委。

附件:《多伦多星报》的英文全文。

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附录 :《多伦多星报》英文原文,(其中黑体为星岛删除部分)

Chinese Canadians conflicted on Tibet

Surging nationalism tends to overcome concerns about Beijing’s human rights record

Raymond Wang is quick to complain about the lack of freedom in China, but the Mainland Chinese immigrant is also fast to defend Beijing’s crackdown on the Tibetan protests leading up to the Summer Olympics.

“I was in Beijing during the (Tiananmen Square) June 4th massacre in 1989,” says the Markham investment adviser, 45, who moved here six years ago. “China handled it poorly. They made a mistake. I’m not a Communist. I’m not a fan of the government. I know there’s no freedom of the press there.

“But the Tibetans [星岛将“藏人”自行改为“藏独”] and the Western boycotters are hurting Chinese people a lot. We do have the human rights to join the Olympic Games and to share the spirits of the Olympics.”

Wang is not alone in his seemingly contradictory views. Many Chinese Canadians condemn China’s human rights records yet support its iron fist on the Tibetans, and loathe the worldwide protests along the Olympic torch run.

Increasingly, the world’s Chinese diaspora is becoming antagonistic toward the West and its media over criticism and coverage of China, on anything from corrupt leadership to unsafe food, substandard products and stifling air quality.

And China’s hosting of the Summer Games has caused a long-dormant surge in nationalist pride.

In the eyes of many expatriates, an attack on the Chinese government becomes an attack on their homeland and its 1.3 billion people, even though many hold grudges against the Communist party for whatever social, economic and political problems they have.

“It’s like me and my mom,” says Victor Wong, executive director of the Chinese Canadian National Council in Toronto. “I can complain about my mom’s cooking, but if a friend comes to my house and complains about her being a bad cook, I’m going to be all over (him).”

Toronto lawyer and broadcaster Andrea Chun sees it another way. “For the silent majority, they know what’s going on in China. But they accept that the [星岛自行增加“所谓的” ] violation of human rights is part of the life in China. They also believe that things are changing there, slowly. They just don’t want [星岛改为“坚决反对”] a boycott of the Olympics [星岛增加“以此理由”].”

Wong says he has seen his share of Chinese Canadians coming through the door of his community advocacy group’s offices, denouncing China’s one-party rule and relishing the democratic freedom they all enjoy in Canada.

“But there’s so much contradiction within them,” says Wong, whose grandparents paid the $500 head tax to come to Vancouver in 1912. “I’m just constantly amazed that it’s the same people who criticize China and who are also the first to come forward to China’s defence.”
Despite China’s 5,000 years of rich civilization, the West has long considered it a poor and inferior country, especially in the past century with the fall of the Qing Dynasty, followed by foreign powers’ annexation, the trauma of the Cultural Revolution and subsequent international isolation of the country.

There had been little for the Chinese diaspora to be proud of until China’s economic boom in the 1990s and, later, admission to the World Trade Organization, which launched the sleeping giant onto the world stage.

The 2008 Olympics is icing on the cake.

[《星岛》删除的两段原文]

“We’ve seen this tidal change in Hong Kong, where the democratic movement is now viewed as anti-central government,” says Chun, a political commentator whose one-hour phone-in show, Newsbeat, airs daily on Fairchild Radio, which has Chinese-language stations in Toronto, Vancouver and Calgary. “This idea of national pride can supersede a lot of things.”

Chun believes many of her listeners are torn over the actions in Tibet, because their pride in China hosting the Olympics tempers the disappointment they face in Canada trying to find jobs that suit their professional training.

Notwithstanding his colonial upbringing in Hong Kong and initial detachment from China, Wilbert Lai, who was educated in North America and has been in Canada for 34 years, was elated watching China win the Olympic bid.

That’s quite a change for someone who grew up with negative impressions of China during the Cultural Revolution and its aftermath.

“But China is my root,” says the 60-year-old Torontonian. “I always have this emotional attachment to it. My views of China started to change when it opened it doors in the late 1980s.

“I think China is well deserved to host the Olympics,” he adds. “I do feel the rest of the world is ganging up on China. I ask them to look at China’s human rights today and compare that to four years ago; it’s doing a lot better. To change that, we need to continue to engage China, not to isolate it. A giant is going to be a giant, no matter what.”

[《星岛》删除的两段原文]

If there’s one subgroup of Chinese diaspora that has been consistently and staunchly critical of China’s human rights record, it’s the Taiwanese across the strait, who are equally concerned about their independence in China’s nationalism drive.

Taiwan’s resistance to the mainland was evident in the run-up to the country’s presidential election last month, when voters swung their support from the pro-China frontrunner, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) candidate Ma Ying-jeou, in the wake of the Chinese crackdown in Tibet. Ma ended up losing much of his support margin in his eventual victory.

“People in Taiwan didn’t want to see Tibetans suppressed because Taiwan could be next,” says Harry Chen of the Formosan Association for Public Affairs Canada. “We were not happy that China was awarded the Olympics. We are sad with the violent crackdown in Tibet. But we don’t bow to the pressure of China.”

[《星岛》删除的三个采访和分析]

Cindy Gu, publisher of Epoch Times, a North American daily trilingual newspaper that’s often critical of China’s Communist regime, says many in the diaspora simply confuse the love for their homeland and compatriots as love for the Chinese government.

“They associate the criticisms of the Chinese government as attacks on China and the Chinese people,” observes Gu, who was disappointed by China’s crackdown on the student-led democratic movement in 1989 and left for Canada a year later. “They are not able to differentiate that.

“When others criticize the Chinese government, they automatically take the criticisms upon themselves. Patriotism and nationalism have been the biggest tools by the Communist party to gain support from the Chinese people to stay in power, to stay in control of the country.”

Chinese political observer Gloria Fung agrees that the Communist party has a long tradition of using nationalism to strengthen its dominance by deliberately “equating loyalty to the country and its people with their loyalty to the party.”

From day one of the Tibetan protest, the government has framed it as a fight for independence by insurgents, even though the Dalai Lama has long stopped talking about independence and advocated a meaningful dialogue with the Communist regime.

“In China, nationalism is very narrowly defined as loyalty to the Communists, the only ruling party,” says Fung, a Cambodian-born Chinese woman who moved to Canada in 1990. “It makes it easy for the government to manipulate its people, because if you criticize the government, you betray the government, the country and its people.”

Public opinion on Tibetan unrest has been much easier to manipulate than that about the Tiananmen Square massacre, says Fung, because a minority group is involved and the pride of hosting the Olympics is at stake.

In 1989, the party wasn’t able to use “the nationalism card” against the demonstrating university students, majority Han people, who demanded corruption-free leadership and democratic changes.

Torontonian Eric Li had always been antagonistic towards China’s Communist regime and the Tiananmen Square massacre. Yet the Chinese government also seems to have found a soft spot in the computer programmer’s heart when it comes to the Olympics.

“I am still not a fan of the Communists, but they are not all that bad,” says the 55-year-old, who moved here from Hong Kong in 1982. “I’m not as resistant to China as I was, as the country started to open up more and more.

“The Olympics can be an opportunity to change for the better, just like the democratic changes and openness that were brought to South Korea as a result of the Seoul Olympics,” he contends. “They need to open up and follow the rules of the game if they want to be a world player.”

(http://www.dajiyuan.com)

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